Directors and Officers Liability and Insurance : The D & O Diary : Kevin LaCroix : Securities Laws, Corporate Fraud, D & O Litigation

The growing importance of global anticorruption enforcement efforts was underscored this past week by the revelation of a cross-border investigation involving the French industrial giant Alstom and by developments in the continuing investigation involving Siemens. Moreover, the Siemens developments highlight the increasing significance of liabilities arising from anticorruption exposures for the D&O insurance industry.

First, in a May 6, 2008 article entitled “French Firm Scrutinized in Global Bribe Probe” (here), the Wall Street Journal reported that French and Swiss authorities are investigating whether officials acting on behalf of Alstom paid hundreds of millions of dollars between 1995 and 2003 to win contracts in Brazil, Venezuela, Singapore and Indonesia.

Then on May 9, 2008, German prosecutors announced that they will pursue a civil enforcement action against former Siemens chairman Heinrich von Pierer and several other (unnamed) former Siemens board members. (Refer here for background regarding the Siemens investigation). von Pierer served as Siemens’ chief executive from 1992 to 2005, and as its Chairman until April 2007. Prosecutors apparently have elected for the time at least not to pursue criminal charges against von Pierer.

According to a May 10, 2008 Wall Street Journal article (here), the company itself has also said that “it may seek financial compensation from former managers but didn’t name individuals.”

According to the Journal article about the Alstom investigation, the Alstom and Siemens investigations “suggest that Europe’s prosecutors have begun taking a tougher line on business practices that their U.S. counterparts have long treated as criminal.” It is not merely coincidental that these investigations are now emerging; they are in fact an outgrowth of relatively recent changes in the laws of both Germany and France.

For many years, under the laws of the two countries, corrupt payments were not only legal, but the amount of the payments were tax deductible. But both countries are signatories to the OECD Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Officials in International Business Transactions. To implement the Convention, in 1999 Germany passed the German International Bribery Act. According to the Journal, “France outlawed bribery of foreign officials in July 2000.”

Both companies seem to have had difficulties adapting to the new legal prohibitions, as the conduct under investigation both preceded and followed the enactment of the new laws.

One particularly interesting aspect of the Alstom investigation is the way that the circumstances under review came to light. The investigation apparently arose as a result of an audit commissioned by the Swiss Federal Banking Commission of Tempus Privatbank AG, a small private bank. The audit uncovered documents concerning Alstom-related transactions that detailed the flow of about 20 million euros from Alstom to shell companies in Switzerland and Lichtenstein.

These investigations underscore the growing significance of cross-border anticorruption actions and highlight the fact that anticorruption efforts are no longer just a U.S. priority. Moreover, the potential exposures and liabilities are enormous. Siemens itself has already paid a fine of 201 mm euros.

There are also important implications arising from Siemens’ suggestion that it may pursue claims against its former managers. According to a May 5, 2008 Business Insurance article entitled “German Insurers Brace for Siemens Claim” (here), the company has notified its D&O insurers that it intends to file a claim under its D&O policies relating to the company’s antibribery related exposures. The article reports that the company carries D&O limits of 250 million euros. The article does not detail the specifics of the insurance claim or the matters for which the company claims or intends to claim coverage, so there is no way to assess the likelihood of the company’s eventual recovery under the policies.

It is far from certain that the company’s policies would actually cover the claimed amounts. But to the extent the policy’s limit is exhausted by the claims for coverage, it could, at least according to the Business Insurance article, have a substantial impact on the German market for D&O insurance.

The potential insurance implications from the developments in the Siemens investigation demonstrate the growing significance for the D&O insurance industry of the liabilities arising from anticorruption enforcement activity. As investigations like those involving Alstom and Siemens emerge and develop, and as litigation like that involving Alcoa (about which refer here) continues to arise, these issues necessarily will become a significant priority for companies and for D&O insurers. As I have previously suggested (here), anticorruption violations may well represent the “next corporate scandal.”

The May 9, 2008 Financial Times has an interesting editorial about the Alstom investigation and the expansion of anticorruption efforts, here.

Speakers’ Corner: On May 14, 2008, I will be speaking at the American Conference Institute’s D&O Liability Insurance Conference (refer to the agenda, here). I will be participating on a panel with my good friend Dan Bailey in a session entitled “Emerging Exposures Roundup: Fiduciary Litigation, Global Warming and More.”

Then on May 15, 2008, I will be in Toronto to participate in the Professional Liability Underwriting Society (PLUS) Canadian Chapter’s educational event regarding the subprime crisis. Information about the Toronto event can be found here. The other panelists include Dr. Arturo Cifuentes of R.W. Pressprich & Co., Denis Durand of Jarislowski Fraser, and Robert Murray of Chubb.

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In a powerful affirmation of the rule of law, two justices of the U.K.’s High Court of Justice ruled in an April 10, 2008 opinion (here) that the British Serious Fraud Office (SFO) must reconsider its decision to discontinue its bribery investigation into the award of a weapons contract between Saudi Arabia and BAE Systems plc. My prior post regarding the BAE investigation can be found here.

The SFO announced its decision to discontinue the investigation in December 14, 2006. The investigation had been ongoing for some time and had even withstood a prior attempt in October 2005 to have the investigation stopped. However, in July 2006, apparently when the SFO was about to obtain access to certain Swiss bank accounts, the British government received “an explicit threat made with the intent of halting the investigation.”

In the proceedings before the court, the government refused to characterize the threat, but the opinion quotes news reports that what happened was that Prince Bandar bin Sultan bin Abdul Aziz of al-Saud “went to Number 10” and told the Prime Minister’s Chief of Staff to “get it stopped” or the military weapons contract ‘was going to be stopped and intelligence and diplomatic relations would be pulled.” (Prince Bandar, the Saudi ambassador to the United States from 1983 to 2005, is now and in 2006 was the Secretary-General of the Saudi National Security Council.)

Following the July 2006 threat, an internal governmental review process unfolded, including high level consultations with the British ambassador to Saudi Arabia and others, culminating in a previously confidential December 8, 2006 memorandum by then-Prime Minister Tony Blair to his Attorney General Peter Goldsmith that “developments” had “given rise to the real and immediate risk of the collapse of UK/Saudi security, intelligence and diplomatic cooperation.” This, the Prime Minister said, would “have seriously negative consequences for the UK public interest in terms of both national security and our highest priority foreign policy objectives in the Middle East.” The government was particularly concerned with the Saudis continued counter-terrorism support, without which, it was feared, British lives could be in danger.

According to news reports (here), in August 2006 (that is, one month after Prince Bandar’s visit to “Number 10”), BAE won a $8.7 billion order from the Saudi government for 72 Eurofighter Typhoon warplanes, purportedly the latest component of the Al Yamamah arms deal, which dates back to 1985 and is the largest British export contract ever.  

The legal challenge to the decision to terminate the investigation was presented by two public interest groups, Corner House Research and the Campaign Against Arms Trade. They challenged the SFO’s decision to accede to the threat as “contrary to the constitutional principle of the rule of law,” as well as on other grounds. By contrast, the government argued, as the court summarized, that “the law is powerless to resist the specific, and as it turns out, successful attempt by a foreign government to pervert the course of justice in the United Kingdom.” (The court said of this argument that “so bleak a picture of the impotence of the law invites at least dismay, if not outrage.”)

The April 10 opinion was written by Lord Justice Alan Moses. After a detailed review of the background to the SFO’s decision to terminate the investigation, the Court considered the claimants’ challenge, which Lord Justice Moses said did not question the government’s assessment of the national security risk. The threat that was the basis of the decision to terminate the investigation “was not simply directed at the company’s commercial, diplomatic and security interests, it was aimed at its legal system.”

The threat was made “with the specific intention of interfering with the course of the investigation.” The court noted that “had such a threat been made by one who was the subject of the criminal law of this country, he would risk being charged with an attempt to pervert the course of justice.” Surrender to such threats “merely encourages those with power, in a position of strategic and political importance, to repeat such threats.” The court concluded that “in yielding to the threat, the [SFO director] ceased to exercise the power to make the independent judgment conferred on him by Parliament.” As a result, the court concluded that the submission to the threat was “unlawful.”

The court’s opinion reviews a host of other considerations, including in particular the U.K’s obligations as a signatory Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions (which specifies that investigations “shall not be influenced by considerations of national economic interest, the potential effect upon relations with another State or the identity of the natural or legal persons involved.”). But the court’s essential conclusion is that the decision to terminate the investigation was contrary to the principles of the rule of law. “It is difficult,” the court said,” to identify any integrity on the role of the courts to uphold the rule of law if the courts are to abdicate in response to a threat from a foreign power.”

The full opinion is lengthy but it is well worth the read. The details surrounding the government’s consideration of how to respond to the threat are fascinating, and the court’s analysis of the legal considerations involved is thought-provoking, particularly its consideration of how imminent a threat of loss of life must be before a court might consider yielding. The inherent tension in the court’s decision arises from the fact that this case tests the limits of what any government might be willing to risk in resisting corruption; the lesson the court rejected is that if the corrupt forces are rich and powerful enough, they have nothing to fear from the force of law.

It remains to be seen, however, whether the investigation will go forward in the end; the court did not rule that the investigation must proceed, only that the December 2006 decision to terminate the investigation was unlawful. According to an April 11, 2008 article in The Guardian (here), “the high court will reconvene in a fortnight to decide what remedy to award the two groups of anti-corruption campaigners who brought the judicial review of the Serious Fraud Office decision to end the inquiry.”

As I have noted in a number of prior posts, most recently here, many governments around the world (including the U.S. government) are increasingly committed to enforcing anti-corruption laws. BAE is also being investigated in the U.S. and in Switzerland, and is only one of several current high-profile corruption investigations. The April 10 opinion underscores the seriousness of the issues involved, as well as the stakes. Courts will continue to grapple with the challenges these cases present, but it is important for companies to understand that the risks involved with corrupt practices include the threat of civil litigation, as I discussed here. BEA is in fact already the target of a shareholders’ derivative lawsuit in the United States. The growing threat of this type of litigation suggests why corrupt activity may represent the “next corporate scandal.”

Press coverage of the April 10 decision can be found here and here. The FCPA Blog’s post on the decision can be found here.

Subprime Litigation Webcast: On Friday April 11, 2008, at 11:00 a.m., I will be a panelist on a webcast sponsored by Risk Metrics on the topic “Subprime Litigation and Liability.” The panel will be moderated by Adam Savett, author of the Securities Litigation Watch blog, and will include defense attorney Darryl Rains, of the Morrison and Foerester firm, and plaintiffs’ attorney Mark Lebovitch, of the firm Bernstein, Litowits, Berger & Grossman. Registration for the webcast (which is free) can be accessed here. Further information, including links to background papers by Risk Metrics, can be accessed on the Securities Litigation Watch, here.  

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